Public Television's Digital Dreams
How the obsolescence of your TV set could mean a new nest egg for PBS
By Deanna Isaacs (published in the Chicago Reader, December 10, 2004)
Here's a question for you: How much do commercial TV stations pay for
the privilege of monopolizing the airwaves? The answer's a grabber.
Although television is a highly profitable business and the airwaves
are public property in limited supply, a license to operate on them
costs nothing. In fact, according to the media watch group Free Press,
we're giving away the use of an asset that's been valued at $367 billion
nationwidde, and the major beneficiaries of our largesse are a handful
of large station owners inlcuding companies like Viacom, Disney, Time
Warner, and News Corp. At a conference on the future of public television
held by the University of Chicago's Cultural Policy Center at the MCA
last week, this free ride merited a full jowl shake from local broadcast
icon John Callaway, who called for the American people to "get outraged"
about it and "rise up".
What's that got to do with the future of public television, which (never
mind those 30-second underwriting spots) is noncommerical? Everything,
according to the mavens at the conference. Right now broadcasting's
on the cusp of something big -- "the greatest change since the
introduction of television," says Corporation for Public Broadcasting
president Kathleen Cox -- and as a result your television set is as
good as dead. Over-the-air broadcasters are going digital and
eventually will turn off the analog transmission most sets were built
to receive. The original government deadline for pulling the plug on
analog was December 31, 2006. Now the date's getting nudged father into
the future, but in spite of an apparent lack of demand (no e-mail
campgains from citizens eager to toss their TVs out the window), it's going
to happen. The FCC says digital broadcast will give those with DTV sets
a sharper, interference-free picture along with a bunch more channels.
People who dont' have DTV sets will be able to get something like their
old picture with a converter, and if they can't afford a converter, the
government may spend a few billion supplying them. But the big bonanza
will go to the stations, which will get as many as six digital channels
for every analog channel they have now, and of course to the manufacturers
and distributors of digital TV sets and convertors. Though its currently
planning to give the digital channels away, the government is hoping to
get the analog channels back and sell them to businesses for use in
wireless communications.
That's where public television sees an opportunity. PBS, created in 1967
as an ad-free educational and cultural resource aimed primarily at
the "underserved," leads a hand-to-mouth existene that has it starting from
scratch every year, seeking funding from Congress, donors, and corporate
sponsors. Given this arrangement, public TV looks vulnerable to outside
influence: in the past conservatives have described it as a bastion of
liberals; these days the liberals are crying foul. New Yorker media
critic Ken Autletta, rehashing one of his pieces in a conference lecture,
told of PBS head Pat Mitchell being invited to tea at the vice president's
mansion, where she was pitched on a new children's program to be hosted by
Lynne Cheney. Taht didn't happen, but Bill Moyers -- long a bete noire of
conservatives -- is reviting this month, and his weekly show, Now, will
be cut from an hour to 30 minutes. Meanwhile conservatives Tucker Carlson
(of CNN's Crossfire) and Paul Gigot (editor of the Wall Street Journal's
op-ed page) are hosting new shows. In a keynote speech at the conference,
Mitchell announced that she's working on new sources of income that will
make PBS more independent -- including a multibillion-dollar trust that
might be funded by the government with the proceeds of the analog channel
sales. (Mitchell, perhaps wary of the powerful station-owners trade group,
the National Association of Broadcasters, left it to others like Callaway
to suggest that user fees for the airwaves could be an additional source
of funding.) She also noted that this fall PBS took a "bold step into the
future" by partnering with Comcast to establish a new digital-cable channel
for preschoolers that will carry advertising. Exactly how this fulfills
PBS's original mandate was left a little fuzzy.
WTTW president Dan Schmidt was one of the many speakers who said the
salvation for public broadcasting stations rests in "bonding with the
community through local programming." Very little of such stuff is now
done, however -- according to Auletta, only 16 of 349 PBS affiliates
air nightly lcocal public-affairs programs -- probably because it doesn't
travel well. And local media watchers were on hand to dispute the
impression that WTTW (aka Winnetka Talks to Wilmette) has been practicing
what it preaches. Karen Bond of the grassroots organization Chicago
Media Action, which this summer issued a quantitative analysis of Chicago
Tonight charging that it "ignores news and perspectives of interest to...
communities of color and the working class," observed that "we don't feel
like we're part of the process. There's no mechanism whereby people
that are supposed to be served by the station have input that would be
binding."
Chicago Media Action secretary Scott Sanders said that when the group
approached WTTW with a coalition of 25 community organizations to request
a series of public forums on the invasion of Iraq before it happened,
they were put off. When they tried again after Bush's victory speech
from the deck of an aircraft carrier, said Bond, "I was told, 'Karen, the
war is over. It's no longer in the public consciousness.'"
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